THOMAS SAYERS ELLIS
A Portrait of the Editor as Invisible Man:
An Interview with Charles Henry Rowell
Since he founded Callaloo in 1976, Charles H. Rowell has been, in the
truest sense, a worker for the people, a chronicler of their literary and
cultural developments. And in the thankless position of Editor of
Callaloo, he has not only provided a splendid site from which new and
established artists of African descent may speak; he has also launched many
a writing career for new and developing artists, some of whom are now
nationally known as poets or fiction writers, and others as professors of
creative writing in various writing programs across the United States.
While he has been busy making others visible and, through the print medium,
giving them national and international voices, Rowell has himself been
relatively invisible and unheard. A labor of love indeed. And yet the
work Rowell does each quarter as the Editor of Callaloo readily announces
his presence as a major force in the development of the literatures and
cultures of the African Diaspora, for Rowell is the first editor to bring
together those creative and critical voices in one place, Callaloo, an
international quarterly of arts and letters. Speaking of him as a journal
editor in the Foreword to Rowell's Ancestral House: Black Short Stories in
the Americas and Europe (1995), John Edgar Wideman wrote that Rowell:
has developed that scholarly journal into a major vehicle for discussion
and dissemination of African American arts and culture. Callaloo's
perspective is international, multidisciplinary, and multimedia; it
introduces new talent, showcases established artists, and features
retrospective analysis and celebration of major figures. Literature is
presented in the context of the African Diaspora, the history of
Pan-African political and aesthetic consciousness. All voices are welcome
and they form, as one turns from page to page, from volume to volume of the
journal, a background against which works of art, especially literary works
of art, can be viewed in terms of their implications for communal survival,
the collective imagination, their potential for social and personal
identity. In short, Callaloo is doing good work-unique, invaluable.
In the following interview, which I conducted through the mail in July,
1997, Charles H. Rowell not only reveals his vision of Callaloo; he also
confesses what first made him: a rural Alabama background shaped by two
protective and indulgent parents of disparate sensibilities.
But Rowell is nobody's provincial; he is a cosmopolitan who has
traveled-and maintains close friendships in-West Africa, South America, the
Caribbean and Europe. He is a traveler whose international experiences
and vision are reflected not only in Callaloo but also in Shade: Anthology
of Fiction by Gay Men of African Descent (a project he edited with Bruce
Morrow) and in Ancestral House. When Avon Books releases his Callaloo
interviews with African American fiction writers, we will be offered
another product of a cosmopolitan and learned sensibility that also informs
his Lyric Space: Conversations with and Poems by 15 African American Poets,
which is forthcoming from Duke University Press.
Interviewer: I want you to begin by talking about your childhood, where
you were born, your family, and the kind of community you grew up in. Will
you talk in some detail about the churches and schools you attended?
Charles Henry Rowell: I was born-and I say that in the same voice of the
creators of the slave narratives-into a family of landowning farmers in
Auburn, Alabama, where I was baptized in the Protestant faith, only to
convert to Roman Catholicism in college. It is also in Auburn and in
Loachapoka, Alabama, that I received my early formal education-a public
education, from grades one through twelve. Auburn, where I was born and
reared, is a town in a state and a region where white supremacy continues
to be the rule of the day.
When I speak of my family as landowners, I am talking about my immediate
family and father's paternal family, the Rowells, who had the bourgeois
habit (and my family never thought of their values in such negative terms)
of evaluating people in terms of how much land they owned and how
self-sufficient they were in their ownership. I remember this so well: it
was according to how much land you owned (which is associated with how much
money you can acquire)-not how well educated you were or how much money you
had in the bank or what positive good you offered your community-that my
father and Grandpa Paul rated people. Of course, you also needed to be a
Christian of high moral character. But it was these economic and social
values-not education-that my father drummed into my head throughout my
childhood. Although my mother was very pleased with the career I selected
and the progress she witnessed me making in it, my father, who also loved
and indulged me, was never really pleased that I became, in his words,
"just an English teacher." When he discovered that I had been admitted to
enter Tuskegee Institute to study agricultural economics, as it was called
in the late fifties, and to Alabama A&M College to study landscape
architecture, he was very happy, be-cause he thought I would eventually
return home to work toward the improvement and expansion of our 125 acre
farm. (I, like the other black teenagers graduating from high school, was
forbidden by state law from applying or being admitted to Auburn
University, which is only three or so miles from my father's farm. Auburn
University, like the University of Alabama, was for whites only.)
No, my father never thought much of what I elected to do with my life,
especially when he discovered that I never bought a home with acres
surrounding it. He sometimes, I believe, feared for me, who was a very
frail and sickly little creature from childhood through my early adult
life; after all, I was often thought of as "the baby." He wanted me to
have some kind of immediate security, and he thought land would provide it.
Daddy and my three brothers would occasionally voice their displeasure in
my landlessness until I at last stopped renting and bought a home in 1978,
after I moved from Louisiana to Kentucky. Grandpa Paul was their model; he
(and my grandmother, Molly Lock-hart Rowell) owned over three hundred acres
of land, some of which he tilled along with his tenant farmers-land that is
still in our family. In terms of patriarchy, materialism, and male
domination of women, Grandpa Paul was a major figure in his community in
Lee County, Alabama. After all-and my father frequently reminded my
siblings and me of this fact-Grandpa Paul's father, Edmond Rowell, an
ex-slave, was also a big landowner who, in his will, divided his land among
his four children. To his portion, Grandpa Paul added many acres, and
indoctrinated my father (and his other children) with his narrow
materialism-my father, Hosea Rowell, who would years later stand in
judgment of me, the landless son he sent to college to become "just an
English teacher." In 1981, my father, like his father before him, died of
cancer.
My mother, who died of a stroke in 1966, was a totally different kind of
person. She indulged me in my efforts to develop in the arts-from singing
in the church choir and acting in school plays to competing in oratorical
contests and studying painting. Instead of being sent off to play
baseball, football, basketball, or, for that matter, piano, I went into the
city of Auburn to take watercolor lessons with William Johnson who, for a
brief period (1966-1967), was my colleague when I taught at Mississippi
Valley State College. I am very happy that I studied painting, even though
I never kept up the practice after high school. I think that my early
aesthetic education and, over the years, my continued reading about art
(African, European, and Asian) are responsible for my current addictions:
collecting art, and making long visits to galleries and museums. I need
not mention how my continued interest in visual art informs my selecting
cover art for Callaloo and my creating visual art features in the journal.
I am also certain that my mother's aesthetic impulses and her love of
beauty had a profound impact on my formation. First of all, she was an
extraordinary raconteur, and her oral narratives were always marked by a
passionate love of language, for which she was revered by all who got to
know her. To this very day, when I come in contact with individuals who
knew my mother, they almost always praise her for her speech acts, her
courtesy, her generosity, and her devotion to the Baptist faith.
My mother's love of visual art was not limited to the interior of our home.
When I first heard Alice Walker deliver her essay "In Search of Our
Mother's Gardens" at Jackson State University in 1976, I wanted to thank
her for writing about my mother, who made an indelible, positive impact on
me as I came of age. My mother loved flowers, not a few flowers here and
there, but myriad plants-flowers and shrubs on the immediate grounds
surrounding our home, and a profusion of petunias, roses, zinnias, peonies,
bleeding hearts, gladiolas, black-eyed susans, tulips, daffodils, you name
them-gathered against various kinds of shrubs forming the background of
both sides of the long curving private road that led from the public road
up to our home. My four sisters, at some time or other, from spring
through early fall, had to help maintain those flowers and shrubs.
As a very shy and delicate boy, I wanted always to be alone in my refuge,
in my own room to read and paint; during the warm months, alone in a
special spot, where a certain part of our pasture met the woods, to listen
to my voice (oratorical and singing) come back to me as it echoed out of
the woods, my audience.
Although she wanted me to succeed in the arts or whatever else I wanted to
pursue as a career, my mother (and my father) never allowed me to live
exclusively in my invented world. I did not have to do heavy or demanding
farm work as my brothers, who were typical strong Amer-ican boys growing
into young men. Like my sisters and brothers, I, too, was enlisted as a
caretaker of my mother's flower beds, which she seem-ed never to stop
planting and cultivating. Our neighbors and pure strangers would often
stop along the public road to admire my mother's flowers, and they would
sometimes say as much if they found one of us nearby. Each time I reread
Alice Walker's eloquent essay, I discover how much an artist my mother was,
and how much her love of language and beauty must have influenced me as a
future student of literature, a poet, an educator, an art collector, and an
editor. (Tom, editing is not a new experience for me; my founding and
editing Callaloo goes all the way back, perhaps, to my reactivating and
editing our college yearbook and to my editing our college newspaper, The
Hillside Chronicle. Actually, it seems as if I have been editing all my
life.) My mother loved beauty, and I love it, too.
My father attended church with the family every Sunday, but it was my
mother who encouraged me to sing in the children's and, later, young
adults' choir. It was my mother, too, who encouraged me to make religious
and political speeches at church events, including conventions. It was my
mother who made sure that each of my siblings and I attended Sunday School
and the main services every Sunday. It was my mother who made me join the
young men's church group called the Crusaders, an organization that taught
me leadership responsibilities.
The community in which I grew up was mainly white; my neighborhood was a
two or three mile road with about ten families. The Bradfords were our
only black neighbors. Like my parents, they also owned a large farm. But
unlike my parents, who always warned us that white folks were "evil and
dirty people who hated colored people," the parents of the Bradford
children allowed their children to play with some of the white kids on our
road. What my parents were referring to were the consequences of white
supremacy and racial segregation, both of which were invented by white
people for their exclusive benefit. What my parents were also talking
about is the tribal impulse of white racists. For example, when a white
person tells a lie against a black person, white racists conveniently
believe the lie and, without question or verification, act against that
particular black person (or against any black person in sight) with either
physical or psychological violence. Remember the immediate responses of
European American bigots when Susan Smith of South Carolina lied about
black men. My parents warned me that white racists believe as fact or
truth any lies other white people tell on black people.
As I look back now, I remember, too, that some of the white people on our
road were economically the same as we, and some were very poor. I recall,
too, that, in spite of her position on whites as racists, my mother was
generous in giving the poor whites food from our kitchen or vegetables from
our garden when they came begging, and that my father, when asked,
frequently loaned some of his farm implements to two white farmers whose
land was adjacent to ours. Yes, out of fear of the consequences of white
supremacy, my parents forbade me to play with the white neighboring
children. My parents did not want harm to come to me, and they didn't want
me to experience one of the social practices of white supremacy: the
sudden physical and violent psychological separation of black and white
children once they come of a certain age; their intimate social relations
and exchanges end, and the white child growing into adolescence suddenly
becomes the superior being to his/her black counterpart. No, I never
played with the white kids on our road.
Interviewer: You are a black man, a Southerner, and a very dark-skinned
African American. Tell me about the racial landscape of your adolescence
and early adulthood in and outside your immediate home. What were your
parents' attitudes towards light-skinned blacks? What were their reactions
to whites?
Rowell: This is an interesting question which assumes that all the people
in my family are dark-skinned. Like many other African American families,
some of the members of my family are light-skinned and some are
dark-skinned. But in my family the intra-racial color prejudice and color
envy you imply in your question had no meaning. In fact, I have always
thought the energy we expend on this color distinction to be a waste of
time. After all, no one is responsible for his/her biological makeup. At
home and school, we accepted each other as we were, dark-skinned or
light-skinned. Actually these skin tones had no real meaning to me until I
moved, in 1967, to Baton Rouge where the historic color prejudice among the
Creoles (light-skinned blacks, who like the mulattos in Haiti and other
Caribbean societies, tried over the years to set themselves apart from
other blacks, whom they considered to be their inferiors). This imitation
of white people, who must have given them their light skin primarily
through the rape of their black foremothers, is infantile. Bigoted Creoles
and other bigoted light-skinned blacks are tragic-but theirs is a
self-willed tragedy; they are self-loathing. Self-loathing light-skinned
African Americans-and I am not referring to those who are a product of
mixed marriages-are the only people in the world who take great pride in
being the descendants of bastards, who were the product of violence and
dehumanization. And those dark-skinned African Americans are equally
self-loathing in their color envy and in their imitation of white
biological characteristics. You will probably say that I have lived a
sheltered life when I make this confession: I admit that it was not only
until a few years ago that I discovered how deeply rooted intra-racial
color prejudice is in our communities across the United States. This
problem is a pain we-dark-skinned and light-skinned alike-inflict upon
ourselves; it is with self-loathing that we victimize each other. And the
most victimized in the process is the dark-skinned African American woman.
Intra-racial color prejudice had no meaning in my family or in my school.
The prejudice in my all-black school had to do with where you lived. If
you lived in the city of Auburn, you were considered superior to the
students from the countryside. That was tragic, and to this day I curse
the names of our teachers who operated from that premise. I remember the
injustice done my brilliant cousin, Mary Will Hicks, who lived deeper in
the countryside than I, for example. She was probably the best student
that my high school teachers had ever had the privilege of teaching, but
because she was a rural kid she was not given the honors she had earned
with her superior mind and grades. By the way, she has light skin.
I think I answered your question about what my parents thought of whites.
The only whites my parents knew or had dealings with were, unfortunately,
white bigots. Therefore, my parents were always suspicious of whites and
regarded them as dangerous to us and as the enemies of black people. My
parents did everything they could to protect us from white people, to keep
us away from them, from their dangerous reach. My parents were literally
alarmed when they saw the catalogue of the University of Missouri
(Columbia), my first graduate school. All of the photographs in it were of
European Americans. My mother's first comment on my selection was,
"Charles, there are no Negroes there. Are there?" I told her there were a
few there and that I would add to the number. Neither she nor my father
found that humorous. In spite of their fear of what would happen to me, I
en-rolled at Missouri's graduate school during the fall of 1961, when
on-campus housing was still racially segregated. The next August, I
received the MA degree in English, but not without quite a few
confrontations with white bigots who came in the forms of students,
faculty, and just plain citizens around Columbia. Yes, my parents wanted
to protect me. At any rate, it is unfortunate that, before they died, my
parents really never had the opportunity to meet and get to know some of
the Europeans and European Americans who have, over the years, become my
close friends. I have no idea of what my mother would think-if she were
alive-of my teaching at the university founded by Thomas Jefferson, who was
a slave owner. In phrasing echoing the styles of West African proverbs, my
mother would probably remind me that time past is time present, both
directing us into future time. In this context, the intention of her
words, like those of my father, would be a danger warning.
Interviewer: Where and what years did you attend college? What did you
study? Was it at this time that you began to read and study literature
seriously? Who were some of the authors that influenced you the most?
Will you talk about your graduate education also?
Rowell: As I told you earlier, I attended racially segregated public
schools. So was my undergraduate school. With the intention of studying
floriculture and landscape architecture, I entered Alabama A&M College in
1958 and graduated with a major in English in August of 1961. During the
fall of 1961, I was admitted to the University of Missouri at Columbia to
study for the MA degree in English, which I completed in August 1962, when
I began teaching at Tougaloo College in Mississippi. But I did not return
to graduate school until 1964, when I entered Ohio State University to
study for the PhD in English. I left Ohio State in 1966 to teach at
Mississippi Valley State College and a year later at Southern University in
Baton Rouge, Louisiana. I was a member of the faculty at Southern until
August, 1977. In 1972, I completed the doctorate at Ohio State and
continued teaching at Southern, where I founded the non-profit Callaloo in
fall of 1976.
Part II
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